How we got here, or Which past are we prolouging again?

There are some interesting j-posts floating around trying to puzzle out how and why big media companies missed the boat online.

One piece of history that I’m interested in, but never see come up in these sorts of attempts to wring meaning out of the past, is the derregulation of major media rammed through Congress in 1996.

The lifting of ownership bans kickstarted a wave of consolidation across print and electronic media that gave us the doddering dinosaurs we all slag on today. Tribune Company, Clear Channel, McClatchey, et cetera simply could not exist in their present form if that bill hadn’t passed. And my boss Sam Zell, telling the story of how he and Randy Michaels bonded at Jacor, said as much when he addressed our staff earlier in the year.

My suspicion is that the perceived economic incentives offered by consolidation and cost-cutting opened up by the 1996 dereg might have been too tempting in the short term for media executives to ignore. And why should they invest time and resources online chasing speculative new revenues, when they could clearly see immediate “efficiencies,” “synergies,” and other opportunities to increase profits through consolidation? Plus they got the rush of chasing business’ biggest prize: The Deal. (Eric Klinenberg’s book has some great reporting on how driven a lot of media execs were in that direction.)

So that’s my long way of saying I’m interested in what degree the failure of the MSM to invest online was a victim of that opportunity cost. And I’d love to ask an executive who worked during the era as much.

Petraeus ‘07 vs. Petraeus ‘08.

Here’s a word cloud I cooked up real quick over at Many Eyes comparing today’s opening statement from Iraq commander General David Petraeus to his previous Congressional visit last September. As Dana Milbank has noted, you’ll find less focus on Al Qaeda this time around, and more mentions for Iran.

Note that this isn’t his entire testimony. Just the opening statements. So, it doesn’t include the many questions he’s fielded.

American Idols.

One of the buzzier pieces of reporting zipping around Washington right now is Joshua Green’s cover story on Hillary Clinton in the November edition of the Atlantic magazine (link).

It features some illuminating reporting about Clinton’s ballyhooed success currying favor in the Senate (Any encounter with Sen. Byrd’s deluded, unworldly self-regard is usually good for a laugh), but Green’s overall thesis is flawed and telling about one aspect of the sickly state of political reporting.

Here’s how the story goes: Hillary was elected to the Senate six years ago. People were skeptical. But, according to Green, she’s had as much legislative success as a first-term minority senator could expect, remains the preeminent political figure for both the Democratic party and all political active women, maintains a legal resume to match anyone, is married to the man known as the Michael Jordan of politics, can and will raise more money than God, learned well from her political mistakes on Hillarycare, is self-aware and smart, but, yet, somehow, just won’t cut it as a presidential candidate.

Despite that whole laundry list, and despite the no-more-impressive resumes of most other presidential contenders (not to mention the past two presidents), Green concludes she just isn’t big enough for the job. Despite being one of the Senate’s leading critics of the Bush adminstrations war effort, despite prompting hardline foes to seek forgiveness for past grievances, despite winning over a New York electorate that was highly skeptical of the legitimacy in her initial campaign, and despite doing all this while under unmatched media scrutiny and a freshman member of the Democratic party’s most politically impotent Congressional delegation in several generations, Hillary Clinton just isn’t getting enough done for Mr. Green.

A lot of people make rational arguments against a second Clinton presidency. Some Democrats look at the polls and say Hillary can’t win. Many Republicans and independents look at Hillary’s track record and say she shouldn’t win. And most of the time they have solid reasons for taking those positions. They’re based on reason and principle. You can disagree. You can argue against them. They’re empirical.

Joshua Green eloquently lays out and reports a whole array of arguments that do not support his main thesis, yet he fails to synthesize the facts in another way. Why? He reveals himself, inadvertantly it seems, when applying his critique to Clinton’s rationalization of her vote to authorize military action against Iraq in the fall of 2002 and how she sees her position as distinct from that most unfashionable of senators, Joe Lieberman.

Green quotes Clinton in full, lauds her for her elocution and poise, admires the nuance of her peformance, and then swiftly dismisses the substance of the argument. What’s that sound like? The talent competition in a beauty contest!

We see this approach toward evaluation again during Green’s breathless recounting of how he briefly basked in the wake of Clinton’s fame. Most of the time Green seems bored with Hillary the person, hiding, as he says, “behind a screen of detail.” It is when he observes her leaping on stage with Oprah Winfrey at the International Emmys to the crowd’s roaring approval that Green seems to regard her as most worthy to lead the world’s lone superpower. He writes: “It sounds corny, but it was really exciting!”

Like a lot of people who are passionate enough about politics to dedicate their career to it, Green displays a hunger for charisma, for a sense of authenticity in America’s leader. He seems to be looking for inspiration, for a higher calling. No more compromises. The truth, at last. I’ve seen this a lot in young liberals since I’ve moved to Washington. I’ve seen it in their muted admiration for John McCain’s aura of integrity, in the persisting cult of JFK, in the rise of Barack Obama (See this recent beauty contest review from the supposed “reality-based community”). But what they’re searching for is as fleeting as the rush after a first kiss. Not only is there little reason to believe emotional attraction will inspire sound public policy, but we’ve got a century full of anecdotal evidence suggesting that it isn’t the best way to choose who runs your republic.

But if it’s all about showmanship, if Green’s way is how it’s going to go nationwide, then Hillary is in trouble. It’s clear. She doesn’t make our nipples quiver anymore. The thrill is gone and there may be nothing she can say — or broadcast a million times on television — that will win us back. Whether you’re for Hillary or against her, let’s hope we’re better than that.

A partisan split on bipartisanship.

Bill Clinton has an editorial in the New York Times today. His subject: How great he was at being president. More specifically, what a huge success he thinks the changes to America’s welfare law he signed into law 10 years ago have been.

Without venturing any critique of his major claims — I’m sure plenty of other, more qualified bloggers will have a go at that one today — I’d like to point out one little twinkie that might otherwise go unnoticed.

Near the end of his piece, the former president digresses for a moment to explain how he thinks the bill made it through a Republican Congress and onto his desk.

Regarding the politics of welfare reform, there is a great lesson to be learned, particularly in today’s hyper-partisan environment, where the Republican leadership forces bills through Congress without even a hint of bipartisanship. Simply put, welfare reform worked because we all worked together. The 1996 Welfare Act shows us how much we can achieve when both parties bring their best ideas to the negotiating table and focus on doing what is best for the country.

Now, back to June 8 when former House Majority Leader Tom Delay delivered his farewell address to the chamber. When the welfare bill passed through the House, Delay held the office of majority whip. The whip is the member charged with keeping party leadership informed about how the caucus will vote. The term was lifted from British Parliament, where it was borrowed from fox hunting. Delay is so famous for cracking down on wayward members that the word could no longer do him justice. They dubbed him “The Hammer.”

I found that it is customary in speeches such as these to reminisce about the good old days of political harmony and across-the-aisle camaraderie, and to lament the bitter, divisive partisan rancor that supposedly now weakens our democracy.

Well, I can’t do that because partisanship, Mr. Speaker, properly understood, is not a symptom of democracy’s weakness but of its health and its strength, especially from the perspective of a political conservative.

And what does The Hammer claim as one of the chief victories of his take-no-prisoners brand of conservatism? You guessed it, welfare reform.

We reformed welfare programs that however well intentioned undermined the dignity of work and personal responsibility and perpetuated poverty.

Maybe it depends upon what meaning of the word ‘we’ is.

See his work

I work as a reporter, albeit a somewhat unconventional one. My job calls on me to specialize in what is often called computer-assisted reporting. That’s a funny phrase — have you ever heard of a computer-assisted photographer or a computer-assisted architect? — but what it means is that I use computers to collect, organize, analyze and present large amounts of information. Databases. Maps. Web Toys. Scripts. That stuff.

While I’m excited by the journalistic potential of new technology, I have an abiding admiration for the virtues of traditional reporting techniques, which I plan to continue using wherever I work.

I’m employed at the Los Angeles Times, a daily newspaper and 24-hour Web site based in Southern California. Nothing I write here should be interpreted as the opinion of that organization.

Before working at the Times, I worked on data projects at The Center for Public Integrity, covered state politics and elections in Jefferson City, Missouri, helped produce long-form documentaries for cable channels like CNN and Discovery Times, and pitched in on some television and newspaper reporting in Chicago. I earned a master’s degree from the Missouri School of Journalism — where I worked at the National Institute for Computer-Assisted Reporting (NICAR) — after receiving my undergraduate training at DePaul University.

Portfolio

Resumé

Resumé (.doc)
Resumé (hResume)

Selected Data Analysis and Presentation

California’s War Dead
The Los Angeles Times (Memorial Day 2008)

Hear No Evil, Smell No Evil
Fort Worth Weekly (June 11, 2008)

California Schools Guide
The Los Angeles Times (Sept. 4 2008)

LA’s Top Dogs
The Los Angeles Times (June 2008)

The 700 (MHz) Club: When Lobbying the FCC, Sometimes Less is More
The Center for Public Integrity (August 10, 2007)

Collateral Damage: Human Rights and U.S. Military Aid after 9/11
The Center for Public Integrity (May-June 2007)

Charity Fundraising Database
The Los Angeles Times (July 6, 2008)

Who Owns Your Media? Get the Facts from CPI’s Media Tracker.
The Center for Public Integrity (Autumn 2006)

Wasting Away: Superfund’s Toxic Legacy
The Center for Public Integrity (April-May 2007)

Passing the Buck: How the House majority leader exploited a campaign cash loophole
The Center for Public Integrity (March 16, 2007)

Selected Bylines

Only 48% of California high schools meet federal standards, even with easier measure
The Los Angeles Times (Sept. 4 2008)

Federal loans go for risky business
The Columbia Missourian (Dec. 27, 2005)

Pakistan’s $4.2 Billion “Blank Check” for U.S. Military Aid
The Center for Public Integrity (March 27, 2007)

Clear Channel gives Tate Talking Points Against XM-Sirius Merger
The Center for Public Integrity (April 14, 2007)

Searching for John Swenson: Recluse, Luddite, Candidate for Governor
The Columbia Missourian (Oct. 20, 2004)

Selected Video Production Credits

Nobody Told Me The Road Would Be Easy
WMAQ/WTTW (Winter 2006)

Keeping The Faith: Becoming a Priest in Today’s Catholic Church
Discovery Times (Feb. 1, 2005)

The Fight Over Faith
CNN Presents (Oct. 24, 2004)

Selected Side Projects

Shawington.com: An online hub for DC’s bloggiest neighborhood.
Summer 2007

AnyaLitvak.org: A journalist’s portfolio.
Autumn 2007

Awards

2007 IRE Certificate, Online Category
Collateral Damage: Human Rights and U.S. Military Aid after 9/11

2007 AHCJ Award Winner, Trade/Online Journals/Newsletters Category
Wasting Away: Superfund’s Toxic Legacy

2007 SPJ Sigma Delta Chi Award, Online Investigative Reporting (Independent) Category
Collateral Damage: Human Rights and U.S. Military Aid after 9/11

2007 SPJ Sigma Delta Chi Award, Online Non-Deadline Reporting (Independent) Category
Wasting Away: Superfund’s Toxic Legacy